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The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, previously made his fortune dealing in livestock and precious metals. Today, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces control around 50% of Sudan.

Consolidating Control in Darfur

The RSF recently achieved a notable victory by capturing the city of al-Fasher, which was the last remaining army garrison in the Darfur area.

Feared and despised by his adversaries, Hemedti is admired by his followers for his determination and his pledge to tear down the discredited state.

Humble Beginnings

Hemedti's origins are modest. He comes from the Mahariya clan of the camel-herding Rizeigat community, an Arab group that straddles the Chad-Sudan border region.

His birth year is approximately 1975, like many from rural areas, his exact birth details were never recorded.

Guided by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his clan relocated to Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, escaping war and in search of greener pastures.

Initial Ventures

Dropping out of education in his early teens, Hemedti started making money by dealing in livestock across the Sahara to neighboring countries.

During that period, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—poor, neglected by the regime of then-President Bashir.

Arab militiamen known as the Janjaweed attacked villages of the native Fur communities, escalating a full-scale rebellion in 2003.

Ascendancy Amid Conflict

As a countermeasure, Bashir greatly enlarged the Janjaweed to spearhead his counter-insurgency campaign. They quickly gained notoriety for widespread atrocities.

Hemedti's unit was among them, implicated in destroying the village of Adwah in November 2004, killing 126 people, among them dozens of minors.

International inquiries concluded that the Janjaweed were guilty of genocide.

Strategic Maneuvering

In the years following the peak of violence in 2004, Hemedti skillfully navigated his ascent to become head of a influential militia, a business network, and a political organization.

He briefly mutinied, demanding back-pay for his soldiers, promotions, and a political position for his sibling. Bashir granted most of his demands.

Subsequently, when other Janjaweed units rebelled, Hemedti led loyalist troops that crushed them, taking over Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jabel Amir.

Rapidly, his business venture Al-Gunaid became Sudan's largest gold exporter.

Formalizing Power

By 2013, Hemedti requested and obtained formal status as commander of the new paramilitary group, reporting directly to Bashir.

The Janjaweed were integrated into the RSF, getting modern equipment and training.

Regional Ambitions

The RSF fought in the Darfur conflict, struggled in the Nuba region, and accepted a contract to guard the border with Libya.

Ostensibly curbing illicit migration, Hemedti's commanders also excelled at corruption and human smuggling.

By 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE requested Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide his fighters as contractors.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved most consequential, marking the start of a close relationship with UAE officials.

Expanding Influence

Young Sudanese men flocked to RSF recruiting centers for cash payments of up to six thousand dollars.

Hemedti formed an alliance with Russia's Wagner Group, receiving training in exchange for commercial dealings, particularly in the gold trade.

His trip to Russia occurred on the day of the Ukraine war outbreak.

Political Betrayal

With rising demonstrations, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, nicknaming him "my protector".

It was a miscalculation. In April 2019, when demonstrators demanded democracy, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the military leaders overthrew him.

For a time, Hemedti was hailed as a new leader for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but this was short-lived.

Return to Violence

As the transition stalled, Hemedti unleashed the RSF, which committed massacres, assaulted females, and allegedly drowned men in the Nile.

Hemedti has denied that the RSF engaged in war crimes.

Pressed by international powers, the generals and civilians reached a deal, leading to an unstable coexistence for two years.

Current Conflict

As an investigation started looking into military-owned companies, Burhan and Hemedti ousted the government and took control.

However, they disagreed. Burhan demanded the RSF come under army command. Hemedti refused.

Last year, RSF units attempted to seize key bases in the capital. The takeover effort failed, and violence broke out city-wide.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit people.

International organizations report up to 15,000 civilian deaths, with the US describing it genocide.

Current Status

Hemedti's forces obtained modern weapons, including sophisticated drones, deployed against Burhan's stronghold and critical for the assault on el-Fasher.

With this weaponry, the RSF is in a deadlock with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has created a rival administration, the so-called unity government, taking the chairmanship.

After taking el-Fasher, the RSF now holds almost all populated areas west of the Nile.

After allegations of mass killings, Hemedti announced a probe into violations perpetrated by his soldiers.

Sudanese speculate Hemedti envisions himself as president of a breakaway state or still aims to control the entire country.

It's also possible, he may become a political puppet master, commanding a vast network of interests.

While Hemedti's forces commit violence in el-Fasher, he appears confident of avoiding consequences in a world that does not care.